2024年5月1日发(作者：h61和b75哪个容易翻车)

罗斯福1941年1月6日国情咨文演讲

王怡

美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福1941年1月6日在国会演讲，要求国会拨款，为二战中抗击法

西斯侵略的国家提供武器、物质供应，以捍卫“四大自由”，即言论自由，宗教信仰自由，

享受社保的自由，不受威胁的自由。

当时，欧洲大陆在纳粹铁蹄下颤抖，与希特勒隔海对峙的英国独力难支。可是，在顽固秉持

孤立主义的美国，许多人依然认为，打仗纯粹是欧洲人自家的事，大西洋彼岸的美国并没有

为别人火中取栗的理由。这让罗斯福倍感焦虑。他试图用严酷的现实调动自己的国家采取更

强硬的干预措施，并要求大量增加拨款，为那些对美国利益至关重要的国家充当“兵工厂”。

时值二战最惨烈的时期，希特勒宣布在被其占领的欧洲建立所谓“新秩序”，罗斯福则试图

用一个更大的概念来回应——道德秩序。与“独裁者用炸弹制造的暴政”不同，道德秩序的

核心便是罗斯福酝酿多时的“四项人类的基本自由”，正如他在演讲中所强调的，“人们不能

只依靠武器战斗，就像不能只靠面包生活”。“我们所追求的世界秩序，是为了让自由国家展

开合作，共同生活在一个友好文明的社会中。”面对国会议事厅中无数道疑惑的目光，他慷

慨陈词，“我们的对外政策是基于对所有国家人权和尊严的尊重，而正义的道德力量必将获

得最终的胜利。”

1941年8月，罗斯福和英国首相丘吉尔在“四大自由”的基础上，阐释了《大西洋宪章》

的基本原则。“四大自由”在次年元旦被由26国联合发表的《联合国家共同宣言》正式采纳。

1948年，埃莉诺·罗斯福参与起草的《联合国人权宣言》，被认为重申了“四大自由”的精

神。

现代史上，很少有哪些政治概念比美国前总统罗斯福首倡的“四大自由”产生过更深广的影

响，并在此后的3/4个世纪中，激励着全世界的无数人为之奋斗不息。在许多历史和政治学

家看来，富兰克林·罗斯福在二战时首倡的“四大自由”，是文明社会的基础。 谈到罗斯福

的历史贡献，许多人主张，他提出的四大自由“标志着新时代的开端”；也有不少人相信，将

“四大自由”真正落到实处，始终是美国乃至整个世界面临的挑战。

罗斯福演讲稿：中英文

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of

the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security

been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the

periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of

these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today,

thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our

national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other

continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of

undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance

of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious

threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times

maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an

ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children

and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the

Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early

days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic

struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West

Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to

peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation

was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia

constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.